By Sadibou Marong
Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the organization the work of which I have the honor to lead in Sub-Saharan Africa, is particularly pleased to be involved in this conference on media and democracy in Africa. We cannot thank the organizers enough. We have travelled all the way from Africa to take part in the discussions at this conference, which we hope will produce rich, useful and beneficial conclusions for our continent and for the academic community at Brown.
Ladies and gentlemen, distinguished guests and dear participants,
I have been asked to share my perspectives on the situation of the media during elections in Africa, but also about coups and their impact on journalism in Africa including in some contexts of instability.
I would like, first to explore the impact of the electoral periods in Africa on the media, with documented examples taken from the last two years. I will then explain how journalism and press freedom are being violated in countries under coups, particularly those in the Sahel and Sudan. Before proposing some recommendations, I will discuss the harmful role of armed groups in Sub-Saharan Africa on the free exercise of journalism, from the Democratic Republic of Congo to the Sahel without forgetting Somalia.
Media and Elections in Africa: Our Observations
Ladies and Gentlemen, our organization monitors the press freedom situation on a daily basis, including during election periods. We have observed that election periods are times when journalists’ work is particularly hampered. Political actors step up their attempts to control the information space. If we do a mapping of the elections in Africa, we can see that journalists’ rights are constantly violated.
We can take 2023-2024 as a period of reference.
There were at least six presidential elections in 2023 in Africa: Nigeria (Feb. 2023), Sierra Leone (June), Gabon/ Zimbabwe (August), Liberia (October), Madagascar (November) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (December). In 2024, there were elections in Senegal (March)/(Nov), Chad (May and December), Mauritania (June) and Rwanda (July). And the continent has just seen elections held in Ghana and Gabon this year.
Every year, RSF publishes the World Press Freedom Index based on 5 indicators: legal, security, economic, social and political: In 2023, the political indicator fell to -7.6. That was the one falling the most in Africa and internationally: this means that freedom of the press is under political pressure: freedom of the press is increasingly threatened by those who are supposed to be its protectors. In other words, political actors do not sufficiently protect freedom of the press, and worse, they are sometimes its gravediggers.
If political actors do not protect press freedom in the name of democracy, then we are in front of a political disempowerment which, according to our observations, goes hand in hand with the instrumentalisation of the media during campaigns of harassment or disinformation in many African countries.
Press freedom is a cornerstone of democracy. The lack of protection for this freedom, particularly during elections, shows that, as we have observed, the independence of the media is deteriorating. Political decision-makers and actors have exerted a stranglehold on the media through various forms of pressure.
We have seen the emergence of attacks on media pluralism, such as the marginalisation and censorship of political opinions, compromising pluralism; the homogenisation of media coverage, limiting dissenting or independent voices; and the arbitrary cuts of the Internet, with media outages and suspensions (during the 2023 elections in Gabon, Zimbabwe and Senegal). We also monitor a real demonisation of journalists through public statements and verbal attacks.
During election periods in Africa, RSF has also documented a strengthening of media censorship strategies: blocking of media outlets and expulsions of journalists – particularly foreign journalists. We have also documented that political forces are often involved in disinformation campaigns during election periods and have shown themselves unable to fully protect journalism and fight against impunity for crimes committed against journalists.
Let me share with you few examples.
In Nigeria in February 2023, the election period intensified the surveillance of journalists, nearly thirty of whom were attacked between February and March by political actors or their supporters. In Madagascar in November, there was a lack of protection for media professionals, nearly a dozen of whom were attacked and injured during political demonstrations preceding the presidential election. In Sierra Leone, in June 2023, supporters of the ruling Sierra Leone People’s Party attacked 5 journalists and destroyed the equipment of Hope FM radio station based in Makéni, not far from the capital. In August 2023, in Gabon and Zimbabwe, several foreign journalists were unable to obtain accreditation for the general elections. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, politicians set up media outlets in the run-up to the December 2023 elections in order to control or influence the narrative in their favor or use them as instruments of influence and power.
In Senegal, we documented how the 2021-2024 period was a difficult time for journalism, with the emergence of safety issues for journalists, a parade of shocking images of journalists assaulted and arrested, and political polarization with a direct impact on the media ecosystem
To conclude this first part, we can consider that despite propaganda, disinformation and political staging, the media play a fundamental role in the democratic system in Africa. However, a real lack of political will has made crimes committed against journalists go largely unpunished in Sub-Saharan Africa, leading to more attacks and assaults on journalists, particularly during election periods.
Ladies and Gentlemen, allow me now to explore the situation of the media in countries where coups have taken place in Africa.
Journalism in Times of Coups in Africa
In this section, I will focus on Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea. Let’s begin by examining the situation in Sudan. In this country, the 25 October 2021 military coup marked the return of information control and censorship. Since the outbreak of the conflict on 15 April 2023 between General Burhan’s regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces led by General Hemetti, threats, attacks and abuses against journalists have increased sharply, forcing many of them to flee to neighbouring countries.
According to RSF figures, at least seven journalists have been killed and another is missing in the two years of war between the regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (FSR). Five of these killings took place in the capital Khartoum, while a sixth took place in El Fasher, in North Darfur, and a seventh in the town of Gebeit, in Red Sea State. Four of these crimes were attributed to the paramilitary group Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the other three to unidentified armed groups. In all, 17 media professionals have been imprisoned and arbitrarily detained by the FSR or the regular army since 15 April 2023.
In Guinea, the military authorities have been responsible for a number of press freedom violations since the coup on 5 September 2021. As a result, the country is in an unprecedented situation, as demonstrated by the kidnapping of critical journalist Habib Marouane Camara in December 2024.
Military authorities have jammed four independent radio stations by creating interference on their airwaves and then withdrawn their licences. The withdrawal by the Communication Minister of the licences for well-followed private television channels, the Internet cut for three months from November 2023 to February 2024, the detention for 1 month of the General Secretary of the main press union for defending press freedom, the persecution of journalists and their economic difficulties have brought Guinea to a never seen situation of attacks on press freedom.
The situation in the Sahel region has not improved. From Niger to Burkina Faso, this part of West Africa is a region where the treatment of patriotic information has taken precedence over quality and independent information since the coups in those countries. Specific media coverage was imposed in these countries, all of which are dominated by military juntas. Finding reliable and neutral information on the activities of the Malian government has become extremely complex, as has dealing with the country’s security situation, particularly in the North. The propaganda orchestrated by the government is relayed in a well organised way by video men who now have audiences similar to or greater than the main local media.
The international media, notably RFI, France 24, BBC and even VOA, have sometimes been suspended, with varying degrees of success. All international correspondents have also left these countries. The juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger censor the media whenever the country’s security situation is discussed in an unpleasant manner or when abuses and accusations of abuses are revealed.
These suspensions are made possible by the growing instrumentalisation of the media regulatory bodies. In Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traoré has directly chosen the president of the High Communication Council since November 2023. In Mali, the High Authority for Communication last year followed the government’s will by banning all media from covering the activities of political groups and withdrawing the licence of a private television station, before suspending it for six months. One journalist is currently in prison, while at least five are still missing.
In these times of coups, the national and local press are under constant pressure. Stepping outside the framework and narrative imposed by military authorities is risky for journalists. In Burkina Faso, RSF has documented the cases of six journalists forcibly conscripted into the army, and at least two others have seen their names put on a list of people accused of ‘terrorism’. Around ten journalists have been forced into exile.
In Niger, a freelance journalist and blogger was secretly detained for over a week for publishing a confidential document on social networks. A newspaper editor was imprisoned for more than two months for questioning the alleged installation of surveillance equipment on official buildings by Russian agents. The purpose of these summonses, hearings and detentions is to create a climate of fear and tension within the journalism fraternity and encourage self-censorship.
Actions are also put in place to demonize journalists in these countries run by juntas. Some of the actions take a particular place on social media. RSF has observed several smear campaigns against journalists since 2022, notably in Burkina Faso and Niger. In the weeks leading up to her secret detention, a female journalist in Niger, Samira Sabou was the target of hate speech and threats on social media, from unidentified accounts or individuals. A few months earlier, three Burkinabe journalists were subjected to a smear campaign organised by the Pan-African Trade and Investment Group, a consultancy agency, through a network of fake media.
I would also like to take this opportunity to say a few words about the economic situation of the press in the Sahel where the private and independent media are caught by economic difficulties. In Burkina Faso, the private media has been targeted by the tax authorities. The investigative newspaper L’Évènement were sealed off in July 2023. Fifty media outlets have recently closed in Chad because they have not been published for more than a year, which testifies the difficulty of providing for the financial needs of a media outlet and its employees in the region.
The Sahel is therefore becoming a zone where there is no free and independent information. Local journalists who continue to process information in this way are in the line of fire of the authorities. RSF will continue to draw attention to their plight and support them with assistance, equipment donations and training.
The Media within Armed Groups in Africa
What impact do armed groups have on journalism in Africa? The impact varies from one country to another.
Journalists and media professionals working for community radio stations have not escaped the terror of armed groups which have been spreading across the Sahel over the past ten years. Between 2017 and 2024, more than a thousand terrorist attacks were recorded in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.
Similar violence has also been recorded in neighbouring countries such as Chad. Threats and the risk of kidnapping or even murder are now part of the daily life of journalists in the region. The dangers are multiplying. In Niger, a journalist recently told us that ‘since the start of the conflicts in 2015, no journalist has gone into the field apart from the few rare missions organised by the authorities, such as trips by the Head of State or ministers responsible for security’. Journalists in Burkina Faso have confirmed that they are no longer able to report from the north of the country.
In a nutshell, there is a latent insecurity experienced by journalists in front of armed groups. The immense joy caused by the release of French journalist Olivier Dubois in March 2023 contrasts with the hostage-taking of two local journalists (Saleck Ag Jiddou and Moustapha Koné) on 7 November 2023 on the road between Gao and Ansongo in northern Mali. Naata community radio journalist Abdoul Aziz Djibrilla was killed in the attack. In Chad, where three journalists are currently in prison, Service Ngardjelaï arbitrarily spent eight months in a high-level prison in the middle of the desert. He emerged unrecognisable, with physical scars. Two other journalists narrowly escaped kidnap attempts in 2023 and had to go into hiding for several weeks. Idriss Yaya, a journalist with a community radio station in Chad, was shot dead along with his family in the centre of the country.
The deteriorating security situation is having a direct impact on local media. In the north of Mali, while the liberalisation of the media in the early 1990s enabled many community and commercial radio stations to be set up, they can only be counted today. For the journalists who are still working, the challenge is to communicate and broadcast. “In some areas, it’s complicated. Terrorists destroy telephone masts”.
In Somalia, journalists work in a climate of corruption and great insecurity. Because of the Al Shabab, with more than 50 media professionals killed since 2010, Somalia remains the most dangerous country for journalists in Africa.
In DRC, between January 2024 and January 2025, press freedom evaporated at a dizzying pace in North Kivu. RSF has recorded over 50 attacks on newsrooms and journalists, including looting, destruction, threats and physical violence. At least 26 community radio stations have been looted or forced to close in North Kivu since January 2024. Around ten of them have been directly attacked by members of the M23.
As a result, the radio stations shut down – either because they are forced to or as a measure of prevention – as the M23 advances. Newsrooms are often looted following the M23’’s takeover of a town, making it difficult to identify the perpetrators. Over the past year, the fighting has resulted in waves of displaced people – including over 4.6 million displaced persons in the provinces of North and South Kivu. According to RSF monitoring, some 90 journalists have been forced to flee their homes, moving from place to place as the rebel group advances and seizes territories. Threats via text messages and calls before the group’s arrival are common.
Media Paying High Price of Anti-Terror Law
The actions of armed groups have led some African countries to pass anti-terrorism laws. Since at least 2014, nearly or more than fifteen countries in Africa have passed such laws into force. This has provoked strong reactions as laws contain unacceptable infringements of civil liberties.
Some of these countries, such as Niger, Chad and Burkina Faso, have been targeted by attacks from armed groups in the Sahel region. Others, such as Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Kenya, have also been targeted by attacks from Ansar Dine, Aqmi, Boko Haram and Al Shabab. Journalists are also targeted by these laws, and the most frequent criticisms are the extension of police custody, infringements of press freedom and a too broad definition of terrorism, opening the door to abuses.
Even in countries not hit by armed groups, the trend is to pass anti-terrorist legislation. The most recent example is Sierra Leone, where an anti-terrorism law threatens to pave the way for unprecedented repressive abuses against the media and beyond. Adopted by parliament on March 11, the law gives to the authorities broad powers that could be misused to silence critical journalists if it is signed into law by President Julius Maada Bio. The new legislation defines ‘terrorist acts’ as any action deemed to ‘undermine national security or public safety’, or likely to ‘provoke fear among a section of the population’, at the discretion of the judicial authorities. Several provisions provide for penalties of up to 30 years’ imprisonment for covering abuses by the security forces and protest movements in particular. This law is an assault on investigative journalism. If it comes into force, it risks exacerbating a climate of fear and self-censorship among Sierra Leonean journalists, particularly on political and security issues, which are crucial to the public interest.
Disinformation and Fake News
The African media landscape is marked by a diversity of international and regional players who help to shape public opinion and perceptions of political and security dynamics. It is no longer limited to traditional media, but extends to social networks such as Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, TikTok and X.
These social networks are frequently used by journalists as sources of information, as they allow access to data in real time and to a wide audience. The ability of anyone with a smartphone to upload content and categorize or describe it as related to an event increases the risk of misinformation on these platforms, as we have documented over the past two years in countries undergoing elections. The Sahel is now a playground for foreign powers that use digital media to extend their influence.
Channels such as TRT, RT and CGTN (China) are actively broadcasting their stories, often in opposition to Western discourse. RT uses Western conspiracy theories and alternative narratives to challenge dominant Western narratives in the region. CGTN (China) plays an important role in promoting a positive image of China worldwide, highlighting its economic and political achievements, particularly in Africa, through reports and broadcasts.
These media, supported by states with assertive geopolitical ambitions, are fueling an information divide among the people of the Sahel. On the one hand, some see them as an alternative to traditional narratives, perceived as too aligned with Western interests. On the other, these media are criticized for their lack of objectivity and their role in spreading disinformation and propaganda in favor of the military governments that rule Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. This polarization of opinions is creating a real information divide.
Journalists in Exile and Prisons
At least ten Sudanese exile media outlets have been founded or have continued to operate since Sudan’s civil war began two years ago, on 15 April 2023, and more than 400 journalists have fled to neighboring countries, especially Egypt. While the international media continue to pay little attention to the humanitarian crisis resulting from the war, the exile media provide vital coverage, especially of abuses against civilians. Even when they are exiled, journalists are also not safe; they face transnational repression.
Journalists do not die, they are killed; they are not in prison, regimes lock them up; they do not disappear, they are kidnapped. These crimes — often orchestrated by governments and armed groups with total impunity — violate international law and too often go unpunished. We need to get things moving, to remind ourselves as citizens that journalists are dying for us, to keep us informed. We must continue to count, name, condemn, investigate, and ensure that justice is served. Fatalism should never win. Protecting those who inform us is protecting the truth.
Recommendations and Conclusion
Ladies and Gentlemen, as we have seen, press freedom is under threat in Africa, including in times of elections, instability and coups d’état, and journalists expose themselves to risks in order to provide factual and reliable information.
Journalists must be able to fulfil their role as ‘trusted third parties’ and auxiliaries to democracy by being able to seek, receive and disseminate information on the progress of their countries, including from all political parties, including those opposing the government, and on all subjects of public interest.
They must be able to do this without interference or censorship from the government in power, and without physical harm. It is only through freedom of the press that voters can exercise their right to freedom of expression during an election.
A free press is the only guarantee that the true will of the people – at the heart of a genuine democracy – can be expressed. The right to freedom of opinion and expression is therefore indissociable and interdependent from the right to participate in political life. The media thus helps to strengthen the democratic process.
The complex management of terrorist attacks and the response of regular armies cannot be a reason for violating the right to information and freedom of the press. States must put in place protective measures to guarantee freedom of expression and opinion, and allow the existence of free, pluralistic and independent media. The media and their journalists must ensure that the electorate has access to reliable information on the main national issues and that different opinions and points of view are disseminated.
Researchers and policy-makers in the North need to contextualise their work within these global realities, not only by studying the content and narratives produced in a region, but also by identifying how structural factors limit people’s ability to produce or find reliable information.
Thank you for your attention.
Editor’s note: Sadibou Marong is Sub-Saharan Africa Director of Reporters Without Borders (RSF). The above statement is part of his keynote address delivered at the conference on “Media and Democracy in Africa” held at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs at Brown University from April 17 -18, 2025.